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Bertus Hendriks - Met het Oog op de Palestijnen

IMO Blog, 2007

In Met het Oog op Morgen liet Midden-Oosten deskundige Bertus Hendriks laatst weer eens zijn licht schijnen op het IsraŽlisch-Palestijns conflict. Hendriks meent dat de nieuwe Palestijnse eenheidsregering eigenlijk heel dicht in de buurt komt van de eisen van het Kwartet (de EU, de VS, de VN en Rusland), namelijk erkenning van IsraŽl, opgeven van geweld en het honoreren van de door de PLO met IsraŽl gesloten verdragen. Daarom is het maar goed dat een aantal Europese landen al heeft aangegeven de boycot van de Palestijnse Autoriteit (een resultaat van die zelfde door de PLO gesloten akkoorden) niet te zullen voortzetten.


Nou was die boycot vooral formeel van aard, en onofficieel waren er wel diplomatieke kontakten met vertegenwoordigers van de Palestijnse Autoriteit. De financiŽle hulp aan de Palestijnen is ondanks de boycot toegenomen in 2006.

Volgens Hendriks was de boycot een blunder omdat het de Hamas niet ten val heeft gebracht. Ik durf te wedden dat hij een warm voorstander was van de 'flexibele' manier waarop de boycot werd toegepast, als hij al niet openlijk tegen de boycot pleitte.

De EU had uiteraard veel meer kunnen doen (en kan dit nog steeds) tegen de Hamas, zoals het actief tegengaan van de wapensmokkel via Egypte naar de Gazastrook. Er zijn 80 Europese waarnemers bij de Rafah grensovergang gestationeerd, onder wiens neus de Hamas een guerrillaleger naar het voorbeeld van Hezbollah aan het opbouwen is, met steun van Iran. Men heeft een uitgebreid tunnelnetwerk gebouwd, inclusief ondergrondse bunkers voor wapenopslag en -smokkel en als uitvalsbasis voor de eigen troepen. De EU had ook krachtiger kunnen protesteren tegen de voortgaande (en zelfs toegenomen) opruiing tegen IsraŽl en Joden in de Palestijnse media, in schoolboeken en moskeeŽn, en kritischer kunnen zijn in welke projecten men steunt in de Palestijnse gebieden. Zo sponsoren EU landen Palestijnse schoolboeken, media en 'vredesorganisaties' waarin een radikale ideologie van Jihad wordt uitgedragen en ieder compromis met IsraŽl wordt afgewezen. Men had strenger kunnen toezien op de besteding van donorgelden, en meer transparantie kunnen eisen van de Palestijnse Autoriteit wat betreft haar uitgaven Łberhaupt. Dat de halfbakken boycot van Hamas niet heeft gewerkt mag dus niet verbazen.

De bewering dat de eenheidregering dicht in de buurt komt van de eisen van het Kwartet is klinkklare onzin, O.K. wishful thinking. Volgens sommige mensen, laten we ze optimisten noemen, betekent het uitspreken van het woord 'IsraŽl' al dat je het ook erkent, en betekent het uitspreken van je doel om 'de bezetting' op te heffen eveneens dat je IsraŽl erkent. Met het rechtvaardigen van 'legitiem verzet tegen de bezetting' geef je eigenlijk aan tegen illegitiem verzet te zijn dat niet tegen de bezetting gericht is, een zeer gematigde positie, laten we eerlijk zijn. Het feit dat men eventueel bereid is tot een gevangenenruil waarin IsraŽl meer dan 1000 Palestijnse gevangenen voor een soldaat vrijlaat, is uiteraard ook een teken van Palestijnse ruimhartigheid.

Het recht op verzet, zo legt Hendriks uit, is sowieso verankerd in internationaal recht, dus het feit dat sommigen daar zo over vallen is eigenlijk een beetje hypocriet. Het feit dat zowel Amnesty International als Human Rights Watch geweld tegen burgers expliciet en onomwonden veroordelen, zelfs als het door Palestijnen wordt gepleegd, negeren we voor het gemak maar even. Het feit dat het oorlogsrecht dit eveneens verbiedt, en ook het gebruik van burgers als menselijk schild veroordeelt, (een veelgebruikte tactiek door zowel de Palestijnen als Hezbollah), laten we ook maar even buiten beschouwing.

Wat zegt het programma van de eenheidsregering dan wel?
Men biedt een staakt het vuren aan (zoals het nu bestaande tussen IsraŽl en de Gazastrook, dat wil zeggen de Palestijnen vuren bijna dagelijks raketten af en IsraŽl onderneemt daar niks tegen), in ruil voor vergaande IsraŽlische concessies:

Despite this, the government, through national conciliation, will work on consolidating the calm and expanding it to become a comprehensive reciprocal truce happening at the same time between both sides and this should be in return for Israel halting its occupation measures on the ground in terms of assassinations, arrests, incursions and home demolition and leveling of lands and the digging works in Jerusalem and it should work on removing the check-points and reopening the crossings and lifting all the restrictions on movement and the release of prisoners.

Men heeft het recht zich tegen de bezetting te verzetten, waarbij geen enkele vorm van verzet wordt uitgesloten, en zal dit pas opgeven als niet alleen de bezetting is beŽindigd, maar ook de Palestijnse vluchtelingen kunnen terugkeren:

The government affirms that resistance is a legitimate right of the Palestinian people as granted by the international norms and charters; our Palestinian people have the right to defend themselves in face of any Israeli aggression and believes that halting resistance depends on ending the occupation and achieving freedom, return and independence.

Men is bereid de eerder gesloten overeenkomsten van de PLO te 'respecteren' (waarom niet 'eerbiedigen'?) voor zover deze niet in tegenspraak zijn met de belangen van het Palestijnse volk. Wat deze belangen zijn, wordt in het midden gelaten.

The government shall abide to protect the higher national interests of the Palestinian people and protect their rights and preserve and develop their accomplishments and work on achieving their national goals as ratified by the resolutions of the PNC meetings and the Articles of the Basic Law and the national conciliation document and the resolutions of the Arab summits and based on this, the government shall respect the international legitimacy resolutions and the agreements that were signed by the PLO.

Om dit als een verzoenend document te zien, dat dicht bij de wensen van het Kwartet komt, is een behoorlijke portie fantasie nodig. Misschien moet Bertus Hendriks zich toeleggen op het schrijven van sprookjes.

Ratna Pelle


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Reacties: 3 Opmerkingen

op Friday, 16 January 09, schreef Paul

De voorgeschiedenis van HAMAS en andere Palestijnse terroristische organisaties gaat terug naar de illegale benoeming van Haj Amin el-Husseini tot Moefti van Jeruzalem. Op de website van Likoed Nederland is te lezen dat deze benoeming onder verdachte omstandigheden tot stand kwam, ook VECIP zegt er iets over.

De benoeming was illegaal: Haj Amin el-Husseini ontving hiervan geen officiele bevestiging en de benoeming werd niet gepubliceerd in de officiele gazette.

De Arabische kiescommissie belast met het voordragen van 3 personen, uit wie de te benoemen moefti zou worden gekozen, plaatste Haj Amin el-Husseini op plaats 4 en hij kwam zodoende niet in aanmerking voor de positie. Hij was anti-joods en anti-Brits en gezien zijn niet-toereikende opleiding en jonge leeftijd niet geschikt voor de functie van Moefti. De kiescommissie was vůůr samenwerking met de joden.

Echter: Earnest Tatham Richmond, adviseur van Hoge Commissaris voor Palestina Sir Herbert Samuel, en Sir Ronald Storrs, burgemeester van Jeruzalem, bewogen de nummer 1 op de plaatsingslijst zich terug te trekken en bewogen Herbert Samuel om Haj Amin el-Husseini tot Moefti te benoemen.

Veel Britten werkzaam in Palestina liepen met de 'Protocollen van Ouden/Wijzen van Zion' in hun achterzak. Sir Ronald Storrs en Earnest Tatham Richmond waren verknocht aan de Arabische cultuur en hevig anti-joods. Earnest Tatham Richmond had een grote staat van dienst als architect in het Midden-Oosten en werd naar Jeruzalem gehaald om Herbert Samuel te adviseren inzake Arabische aangelegenheden.

De gang van zaken rond de benoeming van Haj Amin el-Husseini tot Moefti van Jeruzalem kwam aan de orde in de zitting van de Verenigde Naties op 15 juli 1947.

Bij zijn benoeming beloofde Haj Amin el-Husseini zich in te zetten om de rust in Palestina te herstellen, maar zoals bekend hield hij zich niet aan die belofte. Zoals ook bekend stond hij mede aan de basis van de anti-joodse acties in Palestina. Minder bekend is dat hij daarin gesteund werd door Britten werkzaam in de Britse administratie in Jeruzalem.

op Saturday, 17 January 09, schreef Paul

Hierbij aansluitend op mijn vorige bericht aanvullende informatie over de voorgeschiedenis van HAMAS. Er is nog wel meer informatie voorhanden, ook op internet, bijvoorbeeld over de omstandigheden waaronder de benoeming van de Moefti plaatsvond. 'Icon of Evil: Hitler's Mufti and the Rise of Radical Islam', van David G. Dalin en John F. Rothmann.

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Did the Zionist Jews take something away from the Arabs in British Mandate 'Paestine'?
http://www.hirhome.com/israel/pal_mov3.htm

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United Nations
General Assembly
15 July 1947

Talks on: Haj Amin Al-Husseini, Ernest T. Richmond

http://domino.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/9a798adbf322aff38525617b006d88d7/42647fa78ad02e7b85256e9700567233!OpenDocument

[...]
The focal point of British policy in Palestine was to use Arab arguments as a pretext for slowing up the development of the Jewish national Home, and Jewish arguments as a pretext against the national demands of the Arabs.

The Government claims in its Memorandum to this Committee that it made efforts to bring about an understanding between the Jews and the Arabs but it did not succeed. The Government would have undoubtedly made a much better point if instead of speaking in general terms about efforts which were frustrated, it had brought into its Memorandum at least five cases of such attempts during its mandatory rule of 25 years. It did not do so. It did not mention even five cases for the sake of example.

Ever since its inception, there was a trend in the Mandatory Government of Palestine to encourage the Arabs to oppose the establishment of the national Home promised the Jews in the Balfour Declaration and in the Mandate. After the first riots in Palestine in 1920, high Government officials were accused of being guilty concerning their outbreak ó as testified in the Protocols of the Shaw Commission in 1930.

Also during late years, the Government maintained epic calmness and complete indifference to religious and national incitement which culminated in bloody outbreaks. When outbreaks did occur they were allowed to develop; many victims were killed; and the relations between the two nations were thus poisoned. However, when in 1933, the Arabs directed their demonstrations against the Government and consciously refrained from touching Jews, these demonstrations were immediately suppressed with an iron fist.

The culminating and most typical instance of this policy was exemplified by die appointment of Haj Amin Al-Husseini as the Mufti of Jerusalem in April 1921 and as the President of the Supreme Moslem Council in 1922. The anti-Jewish sentiments of Haj Amin were then very well known ó only a year previously he had been sentenced to ten years of imprisonment for incitement to riots against Jews which did take place at that time, but he was afterwards reprieved. In the elections for the office of Mufti, Haj Amin received 9 votes as against 12, 17, and 18 votes for the other candidates who were older and more learned than he. In spite of the rules enacted by the Government itself by which the Supreme Moslem Council was to be elected every four years, no such elections took place ever since. The Mufti was removed from office only after the murder of the British District Commissioner, Andrews, in 1937.

In his Dairy, the late Colonel Kisch, who served as head of the Political Department and Chairman of the Zionist Executive in Palestine from Jan. 1923-August 1931, one can find many sustaining examples proving this point. We shall quote here some of them. It is to be noted that the late Brigadier Kisch can hardly be suspected of having lacked confidence in the British. When Riad es-Sulh ó now Prime Minister of the Lebanon ó tells him on the basis of his observations that "The Government are not sincere about the elections (to the Legislative Council) ó (which were boycotted by the Mufti and his followers, but were supported by a large section of Arab public opinion) and that the Government do not wish to see a rapprochement between Jews and Arabs", Colonel Kisch notes in his Diary (3.4.23)ó"I cannot believe this to be the case, but undoubtedly the Government have acted, and are acting, as if it were true." According to Ragheb Bey Nashashibi, (Kisch Diary ó 21.9.23) "in all matters concerning Arab participation ó in the Legislative Council ó the High Commissioner is following the advice of Richmond who is opposed to all co-operation with the Jews".

Concerning the same Mr. Ernest T. Richmond, Col. Kisch writes in his Diary (21.9.23) that "the Jews and the moderate Arabs see in Richmond a man who identifies himself fully with the policies of the Mufti". And this is the man who served as the Assistant Secretary, head of the Political Department and adviser to the High Commissioner of Palestine during the years 1920-24.

It was the British Administration, in co-operation with certain interested Arab circles, which was responsible for the removal of Saleh Hassan Shukri, the then mayor of Haifa, who enjoyed the respect and esteem of both Jews and Arabs. Hassan Shukri was punished for having sent a message of greetings to the High Commissioner, Sir Herbert Samuel, who had arrived in the country. At the first municipal elections which took place after this incident in 1927, Hassan Shukri was re-elected with the overwhelming majority of both Jews and Arabs and he served as Mayor in Haifa till his death.

[...]
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An Aesthetic Occupation: The Immediacy of Architecture and the Palestinian Conflict-Terrible Episodes

Architectural Review, The, Oct, 2002 by Timothy Brittain-Catlin

http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m3575/is_1268_212/ai_93232141

At the heart of this book there is an interesting examination of some of the actions of Ernest Richmond, an architect and sometime partner of Herbert Baker, but also an anti-Semitic hysteric and Bellocite Catholic convert, who used his position within the British Mandatory government of pre-Israel Palestine to cause trouble between the Arab and Jewish populations of Jerusalem. Richmond was involved in the escalation of an Arab claim that the Zionists were poised to destroy the Dome of the Rock: a claim based on naive drawings from Zionist folklore and a literal interpretation of a metaphor used by Alfred Mond in an after-dinner speech. He also lobbied incessantly and improperly, but successfully, for the promotion of Muhammed Hajj Amin al-Husayni (subsequently Hitler's greatest ally in the Middle East) to the post of Grand Mufti.

Unfortunately, this terrible episode in the great heroic tragedy that was the British involvement in Palestine is buried in page after page of apparently meaningless drivel presumably following the latest fashions in literary criticism. Monk defines his argument thus: 'Architecture itself assembles and reassembles the constellation of possible positions actually assumed by participants in this conflict, who confront die element of the nonidentical within architecture as if that element were the trace of the agency of the Other, that is, as if each threat to an immediately intuited reality confirmed by an object emanated from an opposing presentation of immediacy, rather than from the fact that the object's "identity" only introduces itself "in its otherness to all identification"'. Imagine 130 pages like that. Suspiciously, the lengthy footnotes contain whole episodes, rather as if the author were unable to integrate them properly into his text; and an enormous bibliography includes references (such as to A.J . Sherman's magnificent Mandate Days) which make no appearance whatsoever in the text or footnotes.

COPYRIGHT 2002 EMAP Architecture
COPYRIGHT 2002 Gale Group

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thePeerage.com
Ernest Tatham Richmond was the son of Sir William Richmond.1 He married Margaret Muriel Lubbock, daughter of Henry James Lubbock and Frances Mary Turton, on 17 July 1906.1 He died on 5 March 1955.1
Ernest Tatham Richmond was in the Egyptian Civil Service.1 He was invested as a Fellow, Royal Institute of British Architects (F.R.I.B.A.).1
Citations
[S8] Charles Mosley, editor, Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition, 2 volumes (Crans, Switzerland: Burke's Peerage (Genealogical Books) Ltd, 1999), volume 1, page 145. Hereinafter cited as Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition.
-----

HUB: E. T. Richmond Papers
Ernest Tatham Richmond was born in 1874, the son of Sir William Blake Richmond, the painter.

He first travelled to Egypt in 1895 to help Somers Clarke prepare illustrations for his book on the Temple of Amenhotep III and the following year was appointed Assistant Architect to the Comitť pour la Conservation des Monuments de l'Art Arabe in Cairo under Herz Bey. From 1902 to 1903 he was attached to the Royal Engineers and worked for the Army of Occupation under General Talbot, building barracks and houses for the troops. The following year he was appointed to a position as architect to the Ministry of Public Works in Cairo and from 1900 to 1911 was Director of the Department of Towns and State Buildings at the Ministry. During this period he married Margaret Muriel Lubbock and set up home in a newly contructed house at Zenein. He became increasingly disenchanted with life in Egypt and in particular unhappy with the separations from his wife and three young children, and in 1911 gave up his position to return to private architectural practice in England.

In 1914 with the outbreak of war, Richmond joined the ambulance service, serving for a short time in Belgium. The following year he was appointed to a position in the Ministry of Works, with responsibility for the supply of grenades. In late 1915 an accident with a grenade damaged his left hand and affected his health in general. His next appointment was to a temporary commission as Lieutenant in the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, probably in naval intelligence, when he saw service in Gibraltar for 7 months in 1917. Dissatisfied with the work, he requested a return to England in September of that year. After a short period as architect to the War Graves Commission in France, he spent the remaining months of the war as consulting architect to the Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem.

In 1919 Richmond returned to London and worked in partnership with Herbert Baker. The following year he received an invitation from the High Commissioner in Palestine to join the administration as a link between it and the Arab population. He served as Assistant Civil Secretary (Political) with special responsibility for Arab affairs from 1921 to 1924. Increasingly out of step with the administration, he resigned his post in 1924 and spent the next three years in England. In 1927 he returned to Palestine as Director of Antiquities, retiring ten years later.

In 1926 Richmond was accepted into the Roman Catholic Church, and thereafter his strong religious faith played a major part in his life and features prominently in his writings. Plans to settle in Italy after retirement were abandoned with the outbreak of war and Richmond settled in Gloucestershire where he continued to write and to take an interest in affairs in Palestine. He died in 1955.

op Wednesday, 21 January 09, schreef Paul

The Muslim Palestinian "Liberation" Myth
http://www.returnofthenephilim.com/articles/Palestine_Liberation_Myth.html

[...]
The so-called irreconcilable conflict between Arabs and Jews is another bluff invented out of whole cloth by the big powers to serve their special interests. I remember the day at Geneva, in the early twenties, when at a private dinner Feisal [Emir Feisal, son of the leader of the Arab revolt against the Turks [2]] openly expressed himself in support of the Zionist cause. At that time the other Arab countries were much less concerned about Palestine. The "war" between Jews and Arabs started later, as a result of the work done by [Anglican] Bishop [Rennie] Macinnes, a notorious anti-Semite who was sent by the British to Jerusalem, and by Cardinal Barlassina, the Vatican representative. With the aid of General Storrs, who was then governor of Jerusalem, they brought the Mufti's family to power, supplying funds and other forms of help in an effort to delay the logical solution of the Palestine problem.
[...]

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IMO Blog (IsraŽl & Midden-Oosten) bevat mijn opinies over het IsraŽlisch-Palestijnse conflict, het Joodse recht op zelfbeschikking (ook bekend als Zionisme) en het Palestijnse recht op zelfbeschikking. Ik ben een academica uit Nederland. Ik ben actief geweest in diverse linkse bewegingen voor vrede, milieu en derde wereld. Ik ben noch Joods noch Palestijns noch IsraŽlisch noch Arabisch.

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IMO Blog contains my thoughts on the Israel - Palestine conflict, the Jewish right to self determination (aka Zionism) and the Palestinian right to self determination, and especially the involvement of Europe with the conflict in the light of it's own history. I am an academic from the Netherlands who has been active in several leftist movements for peace, environment and third world. I am neither Jewish nor Palestinian nor Israeli nor Arab.

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