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Introduction The exchange below took place on August 23 1950 during a speech by
David
Ben Gurion welcoming members of the American Jewish Committee (AJC) (not to
be confused with the American Jewish Congress - a more pro-Israel rival) to the new State of Israel
and the reply by AJC president Blaustein.
AJC leadership, and in particular President Blaustein, were concerned that
the new state would require all Diaspora
Jews to come on Aliya
(emigration to Israel) and they were concerned about accusations of dual
loyalty. The views expressed by Ben-Gurion were reiterated in a briefer joint 1961 statement
that reiterated the 1950 statement. a third issue was whether Israel could claim
to cat on behalf of the entire Jewish people. The 1950 remarks addressed
these key issues. Ben-Gurion made two unequivocal
statements.
About loyalty:
The Jews of the United States, as a community and as individuals, have
only one political attachment and that is to the United States of America. They
owe no political allegiance to Israel.
About representation, Ben Gurion said:
In the first statement which the
representative of Israel made before the United Nations after her admission to
that international organization, he clearly stated, without any reservation,
that the State of Israel represents and speaks only on behalf of its own
citizens and in no way presumes to represent or speak in the name of the Jews
who are citizens of any other country.
For his part Blaustein added:
Jewish communities, particularly American Jewry in view of its
influence and its strength, can offer advice, cooperation and help, but
should not attempt to speak in the name of other communities or in any
way interfere in their internal affairs.
About Aliya, Ben-Gurion was careful to say:
In this connection let me say a word about immigration. We
should like to see American Jews come and take part in our effort. We
need their technical knowledge, their unrivalled experience, their
spirit of enterprise, their bold vision, their "know-how." We need
engineers, chemists, builders, work managers and technicians. The tasks
which face us in this country are eminently such as would appeal to the
American genius for technical development and social progress. But the
decision as to whether they wish to come — permanently or temporarily —
rests with the free discretion of each American Jew himself. It is
entirely a matter of his own volition. We need halutzim, pioneers, too. Halutzim
have come to us — and we believe more will come, not only from
those countries where the Jews are oppressed and in "exile" but also
from countries where the Jews live a life of freedom and are equal in
status to all other citizens in their country. But the essence of
halutziut is free choice. They will come from among those who believe that
their aspirations as human beings and as Jews can best be fulfilled by
life and work in Israel
Notwithstanding Ben-Gurion's
clear statements, anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic accusations of dual loyalty and
allegations that Ben-Gurion or the Zionist movement insisted on Aliya
never ceased.
The history and background of the speech are given by Charles Liebman in "
Diaspora Influence on Israel: The Ben-Gurion-Blaustein "Exchange" and its
Aftermath", Journal of Jewish Social
Studies, 1974. pp 271-280.
The AJC
refers to this exchange of views or to the address as the
"Blaustein- Ben-Gurion agreement". Under this heading, the AJC has placed a
number of documents with much later dates. None of them constitute an agreement.
None of them give the text of Ben-Gurion's speech or the exchange of views. The
correspondence was published as
“An Exchange of Views: American Jews and the State of Israel,” in American
Jewish Year Book 53 (1952), p. 564-568. There is no record of any agreement
having been reached. When Baustein wrote to Ben-Gurion in 1960, he did not refer
to any agreement. He wrote
During past months . . . there have been a number of
definitive violations of your August 1950 Statement.
In theory, the AJC mantra that Israel did not speak for the Jewish people and
was not the "Jewish State," subverted the founding assumptions of Zionism. It is
difficult to say whether that is the intent of the AJC, or if American Jewish
leaders were simply jealous of the Authority of a rival claimant who would speak
for "the Jews." If Israel was not the Jewish State, than what was it, and
what was the purpose of so much sacrifice? However, this stricture had little
effect beyond verbiage.
In practice, AJC desired that Israel should not only not speak on behalf of
other Jews, but that it should not attempt to rescue them, which would have
negated a central function of the national home. It would not be possible to act
in certain circumstances where action was imperative.
The critique of the AJC reached somewhat extreme proportions when they tried
to prevent Israel from fighting ant-Semitism abroad in 1960. In December 1960 Blaustein wrote to Ben-Gurion:
During past months . . . there have been a number of definitive
violations of your August 1950 Statement. These departures are causing serious
embarrassments and consequences. They are again opening up the furor that was existing at the
time in 1950 when we got together and resolved the Statement we then issued.
American, Canadian and English Jewries are up in arms about
these violations—and I think I should tell you that some are charging me with having
been naive in even having accepted the August 1950 Statement as bona fide. . . .
. . . Some of the violations to which I refer are as follows:
1) Israel's notes addressed to the United States, British and
other governments regarding the swastika daubings in those countries last winter
. . . Israel should have confined itself to discussing [the issue] with the
Jewish communities in those countries. . . .
2) General Moshe Dayan's incomprehensible March 9, 1960
statement in Canada that "his government should not only represent the people of
Israel, but the interests of all Jews."
3) And Foreign Minister Golda Meir's reply to the delegation of
the Anglo-Jewish Association which resulted in the startling headlines in the
Jewish National Post (April 15, 1960): "Israel will continue to speak for
Jewry." . . . I assure you that if you wish your country to retain its
friendships—at a time when you sorely need them—it is essential that you
promptly correct the wrong impression to which I have referred. . . .Out of my
closeness to you, I feel I can venture to say that you cannot expect
diplomatic and financial cooperation from even friends, including me, when
understandings with them, and principles dear to them, are violated or ignored. (Quoted in
Liebmann, 1974, pp278-9)
These positions were clearly rendered untenable and irrelevant by historical
events. Israel captured Nazi War criminal Adolf Eichmann, and prosecuted him on
behalf of the Jewish people, for crimes committed before Israel was a state.
With due respect, none of this could have been done by the distinguished Mr.
Blaustein and his colleagues.
Israel did not "confine itself" to discussions as he would have
wished. Israel and American Jewry were
partners in the liberation of Soviet and Ethiopian Jews. These rescues would not
have been possible without this partnership. However, the awakening of Russian
Jewry was probably due to the victory of the Six day war,
an achievement that only a state could accomplish.
The AJC seems to have
misinterpreted this undertaking not to interfere in American Jewish affairs
as an undertaking not to attempt to influence American Jewish opinion about
Israel or the American Zionist movement,
The validity of the "exchange of views" was reaffirmed more than once by
Israeli leaders, particularly with regard to the loyalties of Jewish citizens in
the United States.
The positions stated by Ben Gurion describe a reality that could not be
different regardless of policy declarations. American Jews would not emigrate to
Israel en masse. The would continue to be American citizens. Israel could
sometimes act on behalf of Diaspora Jews. It could not speak for them and it
would not be wise to try to do so. On the other hand, in the world order of
states, there was no other state that could and would represent the Jewish
people or act for the Jewish people.
Ami Isseroff
March 27, 2011
Copyright
The introduction above is copyright 2011
by Ami Isseroff. The document below is in the public domain.
Source:
http://www.ajcarchives.org/AJC_DATA/Files/514.PDF pp 64-68.
STATEMENTS BY PRIME MINISTER DAVID BEN-GURION AND MR. JACOB BLAUSTEIN ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ISRAEL AND AMERICAN JEWS AUGUST 23, 1950
MR. BEN-GURION:
We are very happy to welcome you here in our midst as a
representative of the great Jewry of the United States to whom Israel owes so
much. No other community abroad has so great a stake in what has been achieved
in this country during the present generation as have the Jews of America. Their
material and political support, their warm-hearted and practical idealism, has
been one of the principal sources of our strength and our success. In supporting
our effort, American Jewry has developed, on a new plane, the noble conception,
maintained for more than half a century, of extending its help for the
protection of Jewish rights throughout the world and of rendering economic aid
wherever it was needed. We are deeply conscious of the help which America has given to
us here in our great effort of reconstruction and during our struggle for
independence. This great tradition has been continued since the establishment
of the State of Israel You, Mr. Blaustein, are one of the finest examples of that
tradition, and as an American and as a Jew you have made many and
significant contributions to the Jewish cause and to the cause of democracy.
We are therefore happy on this occasion of your visit here as our
guest, to discuss with you matters of mutual interest and to clarify some of the
problems which have arisen in regard to the relationship between the
people of Israel and the Jewish communities abroad, in particular the
Jewish community of the United States
It is our great pride that our newly gained independence has
enabled us in this small country to undertake the major share of the
great and urgent task of providing permanent homes under conditions of
full equality to hundreds of thousands of our brethren who cannot
remain where they are and whose heart is set on rebuilding their lives
in Israel In this great task you and we are engaged in a close
partnership. Without the readiness for sacrifice of the people of Israel and without
the help of America this urgent task can hardly be achieved.
It is most unfortunate that since our State came into being some confusion and misunderstanding should have arisen as regards the
relationship between Israel and the Jewish communities abroad, in particular that of the United States. These misunderstandings are likely to
alienate sympathies and create disharmony where friendship and close
understanding are of vital necessity. To my mind, the position is perfectly clear. The Jews of the United States, as a community and as
individuals, have only one political attachment and that is to the United
States of America. They owe no political allegiance to Israel. In the
first statement which the representative of Israel made before the United
Nations after her admission to that international organization, he clearly
stated, without any reservation, that the State of Israel represents and speaks
only on behalf of its own citizens and in no way presumes to
represent or speak in the name of the Jews who are citizens of any other
country. We, the people of Israel, have no desire and no intention to
interfere in any way with the internal affairs of Jewish communities abroad.
The Government and the people of Israel fully respect the right and
integrity of the Jewish communities in other countries to develop their
own mode of life and their indigenous social, economic and cultural
institutions in accordance with their own needs and aspirations. Any weakening
of American Jewry, any disruption of its communal life, any
lowering of its sense of security, any diminution of its status, is a definite
loss to Jews everywhere and to Israel in particular. We are happy to know of the deep and growing interest which American Jews of all shades and convictions take in what it has
fallen to us to achieve in this country. Were we, God forbid, to fail
in what we have undertaken on our own behalf and on behalf of our suffering brethren, that failure would cause grievous pain to Jews
everywhere and nowhere more than in your community. Our success or failure
depends in a large measure on our cooperation with, and on the strength
of, the great Jewish community of the United States, and we, therefore,
are anxious that nothing should be said or done which could in the
slightest degree undermine the sense of security and stability of American
Jewry In this connection let me say a word about immigration. We
should like to see American Jews come and take part in our effort. We
need their technical knowledge, their unrivalled experience, their
spirit of enterprise, their bold vision, their "know-how." We need
engineers, chemists, builders, work managers and technicians. The tasks
which face us in this country are eminently such as would appeal to the
American genius for technical development and social progress. But the
decision as to whether they wish to come — permanently or temporarily —
rests with the free discretion of each American Jew himself. It is
entirely a matter of his own volition. We need
halutzim, pioneers, too.
Halutzim
have come to us — and we believe more will come, not only from
those countries where the Jews are oppressed and in "exile" but also
from countries where the Jews live a life of freedom and are equal in
status to all other citizens in their country. But the essence of
halutziut is free choice. They will come from among those who believe that
their aspirations as human beings and as Jews can best be fulfilled by
life and work in IsraelI believe I know something of the spirit of American Jewry among whom I lived for some years. I am convinced that it will
continue to make a major contribution towards our great effort of
reconstruction, and I hope that the talks we have had with you during these last
few days will make for even closer cooperation between our two
communities
MR. BLAUSTEIN:
I am very happy, Mr. Prime Minister, to have come here at your invitation and to have discussed with you and other leaders of
Israel the various important problems of mutual interest This is the second time I have been here since the State of
Israel was created. A year and a half ago my colleagues and I, of the
American Jewish Committee, saw evidence of the valor that had been
displayed, and felt the hopes and aspirations that had inspired the people
to win a war against terrific odds. This time, I have witnessed the great
achievements that have taken place in the interval and have discussed the
plans which point the road upon which the present-day Israel intends to
travel I find that tremendous progress has been made under your great leadership; but also, as you well know, tremendous problems loom
ahead The nation is confronted with gigantic tasks of reconstruction
and rehabilitation, and with large economic and other problems, as is to be expected in so young a state I am sure that with your rare combination of idealism and
realism, you will continue to tackle these matters vigorously; and that
with your usual energy, resourcefulness and common sense, you will be able
to overcome them Traveling over the country and visiting both old and newly
established settlements, it has been a thrill to observe how you are
conquering the desert of the Negev and the rocks of Galilee and are thus
displaying the same pioneering spirit that opened up the great West of my
own country. It has been satisfying to see right on the scene, how
well and to what good advantage you are utilizing the support from the
American Jewish community. I am sure, too, that the American tractors and
other machinery and equipment acquired through the loan granted by the Export-Import Bank will further contribute to the technological
development of your country But more than that, what you are doing and creating in this
corner of the Middle East is of vital importance not only to you and to
Jews, but to humanity in general. For I believe that the free and
peace-loving peoples in the world can look upon Israel as a stronghold of
democracy in an area where liberal democracy is practically unknown and
where the prevailing social and political conditions may be potential
dangers to the security and stability of the world. What President Truman is
intending to do under his Four Point Program, in assisting underdeveloped
peoples to improve their conditions and raise their standards of living,
you here to a large extent have been doing right along under most
difficult conditions and at great sacrifice Important to your future, as you recognize, is the United States
of America and American Jewry. Israel, of course, is also important
to them In this connection, I am pleased that Mr. Elath has been here
during our stay. As your Ambassador to the United States, he has
rendered invaluable service in bringing our two countries and communities
closer together I thought I knew it even before I came to this country on this
trip, but my visit has made it still more clear to me — and as an
American citizen and a Jew I am gratified — that the Israeli people want
democracy and, in my opinion, will not accept any dictatorship or
totalitarianism from within or from without Democracy, like all other human institutions, has its faults;
and abuses are possible. But the strength of a democratic regime is
that these faults and these abuses can be corrected without the destruction
of human rights and freedoms which alone make life worth living There is no question in my mind that a Jew who wants to remain loyal to the fundamental basis of Judaism and his cultural
heritage, will be in the forefront of the struggle for democracy against
totalitarianism The American Jewish community sees its fortunes tied to the fate
of liberal democracy in the United States, sustained by its
heritage, as Americans and as Jews. We seek to strengthen both of these vital
links to the past and to all humanity by enhancing the American
democratic and political system, American cultural diversity and American
well-being As to Israel, the vast majority of American Jewry recognizes the necessity and desirability of helping to make it a strong,
viable, self supporting state. This, for the sake of Israel itself, and the good of the world The American Jewish Committee has been active, as have other Jewish organizations in the United States, in rendering, within
the framework of their American citizenship, every possible support to Israel;
and I am sure that this support will continue and that we shall do
all we can to increase further our share in the great historic task of
helping Israel to solve its problems and develop as a free, independent and
flourishing democracy While Israel has naturally placed some burdens on Jews
elsewhere, particularly in America, it has, in turn, meant much to Jews
throughout the world. For hundreds of thousands in Europe, Africa and the
Middle East, it has provided a home in which they can attain their full
stature of human dignity for the first time. In all Jews, it has inspired
pride and admiration, even though in some instances, it has created
passing headaches Israel's rebirth and progress, coming after the tragedy of
European Jewry in the 1930's and in World War II, has done much to raise
Jewish morale. Jews in America and everywhere can be more proud than
ever of their Jewishness But we must, in a true spirit of friendliness, sound a note of
caution to Israel and its leaders. Now that the birth pains are over,
and even though Israel is undergoing growing pains, it must recognize
that the matter of good will between its citizens and those of other
countries is a two-way street: that Israel also has a responsibility in this
situation — a responsibility in terms of not affecting adversely the
sensibilities of Jews who are citizens of other states by what it says or does In this connection, you are realists and want facts and I would
be less than frank if I did not point out to you that American Jews
vigorously repudiate any suggestion or implication that they are in exile.
American Jews — young and old alike, Zionists and non-Zionists alike —
are profoundly attached to America. America welcomed their immigrant parents in their need. Under America's free institutions, they and their
children have achieved that freedom and sense of security unknown for
long centuries of travail. American Jews have truly become Americans;
just as have all other oppressed groups that have ever come to
America's shores To American Jews, America is home. There, exist their thriving roots; there, is the country which they have helped to build;
and there, they share its fruits and its destiny. They believe in the
future of a democratic society in the United States under which all
citizens, irrespective of creed or race, can live on terms of equality. They further
believe that, if democracy should fail in America, there would be no
future for democracy anywhere in the world, and that the very existence of
an independent State of Israel would be problematic. Further, they
feel that a world in which it would be possible for Jews to be driven by
persecution from America would not be a world safe for Israel either; indeed
it is hard to conceive how it would be a world safe for any human
being The American Jewish community, as you, Mr. Prime Minister, have so eloquently pointed out, has assumed a major part of the
responsibility of securing equality of rights and providing generous material
help to Jews in other countries. American Jews feel themselves bound to
Jews the world over by ties of religion, common historical traditions
and in certain respects, by a sense of common destiny. We fully realize
that persecution and discrimination against Jews in any country will
sooner or later have its impact on the situation of the Jews in other
countries, but these problems must be dealt with by each Jewish community
itself in accordance with its own wishes, traditions, needs and
aspirations Jewish communities, particularly American Jewry in view of its
influence and its strength, can offer advice, cooperation and help, but
should not attempt to speak in the name of other communities or in any
way interfere in their internal affairs. I am happy to note from your statement, Mr. Prime Minister, that the State of Israel takes a similar position. Any other position
on the part of the State of Israel would only weaken the American and
other Jewish communities of the free, democratic countries and be
contrary to the basic interests of Israel itself. The future development
of Israel, spiritual, social as well as economic, will largely depend upon
a strong and healthy Jewish community in the United States and other free democracies We have been greatly distressed that at the very hour when so
much has been achieved, harmful and futile discussions and
misunderstandings have arisen as to the relations between the people and the State
of Israel and the Jews in other countries, particularly in the United
States. Harm has been done to the morale and to some extent to the sense of
security of the American Jewish community through unwise and unwarranted statements and appeals which ignore the feelings and aspirations
of American Jewry Even greater harm has been done to the State of Israel itself by weakening the readiness of American Jews to do their full share
in the rebuilding of Israel which faces such enormous political, social
and economic problems Your statement today Mr. Prime Minister will, I trust, be
followed by unmistakable evidence that the responsible leaders of Israel,
and the organizations connected with it, fully understand that future
relations between the American Jewish community and the State of Israel
must be based on mutual respect for one another's feelings and needs,
and on the preservation of the integrity of the two communities and
their institutions I believe that in your statement today, you have taken a
fundamental and historic position which will redound to the best interest
not only of Israel, but of the Jews of America and of the world. I am
confident that this statement and the spirit in which it has been made, by
eliminating the misunderstandings and futile discussions between our two
communities, will strengthen them both and will lay the foundation for even
closer cooperation In closing, permit me to express my deep gratitude for the
magnificent reception you and your colleagues have afforded my colleague and me during our stay in this country
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